Stalking the Wild Taboo - WSJ Statement on The Bell Curve
![[Home/Contents]](../images/
home90.gif)
Mainstream Science on Intelligence

This public statement, signed by 52 internationally known scholars, was active on the information highway early in 1995 following
several rather heated and negative responses to Herrnstein & Murray's
The Bell Curve. It was first published in The Wall Street Journal, Tuesday, December 13, 1994. An alphabetical listing of the scholars and their home institutions are given at the end of the statement.

Prologue
Since the publication of "The BELL CURVE," many commentators
have offered opinions about human intelligence that misstate current scientific
evidence. Some conclusions dismissed in the media as discredited are actually
firmly supported.
This statement outlines conclusions regarded as mainstream among researchers
on intelligence, in particular, on the nature, origins, and practical consequences
of individual and group differences in intelligence. Its aim is to promote
more reasoned discussion of the vexing phenomenon that the research has
revealed in recent decades. The following conclusions are fully described
in the major textbooks, professional journals and encyclopedias in intelligence.

The Meaning and Measurement of Intelligence
- Intelligence is a very general mental capability that, among other
things, involves the ability to reason, plan, solve problems, think abstractly,
comprehend complex ideas, learn quickly and learn from experience. It is
not merely book learning, a narrow academic skill, or test-taking smarts.
Rather, it reflects a broader and deeper capability for comprehending our
surroundings -- "catching on," "making sense" of things,
or "figuring out" what to do.
- Intelligence, so defined, can be measured, and intelligence tests measure
it well. They are among the most accurate (in technical terms, reliable
and valid) of all psychological tests and assessments. They do not measure
creativity, character, personality, or other important differences among
individuals, nor are they intended to.
- While there are different types of intelligence tests, they all measure
the same intelligence. Some use words or numbers and require specific cultural
knowledge (like vocabulary). Others do not, and instead use shapes or designs
and require knowledge of only simple, universal concepts (many/few, open/closed,
up/down).
- The spread of people along the IQ continuum, from low to high, can
be represented well by the BELL CURVE (in statistical jargon, the "normal
CURVE"). Most people cluster around the average (IQ 100). Few are
either very bright or very dull: About 3% of Americans score above IQ 130
(often considered the threshold for "giftedness"), with about
the same percentage below IQ 70 (IQ 70-75 often being considered the threshold
for mental retardation).
- Intelligence tests are not culturally biased against American blacks
or other native-born, English-speaking peoples in the U.S. Rather, IQ scores
predict equally accurately for all such Americans, regardless of race and
social class. Individuals who do not understand English well can be given
either a nonverbal test or one in their native language.
- The brain processes underlying intelligence are still little understood.
Current research looks, for example, at speed of neural transmission, glucose
(energy) uptake, and electrical activity of the brain.

Group Differences
- Members of all racial-ethnic groups can be found at every IQ level.
The BELL CURVES of different groups overlap considerably, but groups often
differ in where their members tend to cluster along the IQ line. The BELL
CURVES for some groups (Jews and East Asians) are centered somewhat higher
than for whites in general. Other groups (blacks and Hispanics) are centered
somewhat lower than non-Hispanic whites.
- The BELL CURVE for whites is centered roughly around IQ 100; the BELL
CURVE for American blacks roughly around 85; and those for different subgroups
of Hispanics roughly midway between those for whites and blacks. The evidence
is less definitive for exactly where above IQ 100 the BELL CURVES for Jews
and Asians are centered.

Practical Importance
- IQ is strongly related, probably more so than any other single measurable
human trait, to many important educational, occupational, economic, and
social outcomes. Its relation to the welfare and performance of individuals
is very strong in some arenas in life (education, military training), moderate
but robust in others (social competence), and modest but consistent in
others (law-abidingness). Whatever IQ tests measure, it is of great practical
and social importance.
- A high IQ is an advantage in life because virtually all activities
require some reasoning and decision-making. Conversely, a low IQ is often
a disadvantage, especially in disorganized environments. Of course, a high
IQ no more guarantees success than a low IQ guarantees failure in life.
There are many exceptions, but the odds for success in our society greatly
favor individuals with higher IQs.
- The practical advantages of having a higher IQ increase as life settings
become more complex (novel, ambiguous, changing, unpredictable, or multi-faceted).
For example, a high IQ is generally necessary to perform well in highly
complex or fluid jobs (the professions, management); it is a considerable
advantage in moderately complex jobs (crafts, clerical and police work);
but it provides less advantage in settings that require only routine decision
making or simple problem solving (unskilled work).
- Differences in intelligence certainly are not the only factor affecting
performance in education, training, and highly complex jobs (no one claims
they are), but intelligence is often the most important. When individuals
have already been selected for high (or low) intelligence and so do not
differ as much in IQ, as in graduate school (or special education), other
influences on performance loom larger in comparison.
- Certain personality traits, special talents, aptitudes, physical capabilities,
experience, and the like are important (sometimes essential) for successful
performance in many jobs, but they have narrower (or unknown) applicability
or "transferability" across tasks and settings compared with
general intelligence. Some scholars choose to refer to these other human
traits as other "intelligences."

Source and Stability of Within-Group Differences
- Individuals differ in intelligence due to differences in both their
environments and genetic heritage. Heritability estimates range from 0.4
to 0.8 (on a scale from 0 to 1), most thereby indicating that genetics
plays a bigger role than does environment in creating IQ differences among
individuals. (Heritability is the squared correlation of phenotype with
genotype.) If all environments were to become equal for everyone, heritability
would rise to 100% because all remaining differences in IQ would necessarily
be genetic in origin.
- Members of the same family also tend to differ substantially in intelligence
(by an average of about 12 IQ points) for both genetic and environmental
reasons. They differ genetically because biological brothers and sisters
share exactly half their genes with each parent and, on the average, only
half with each other. They also differ in IQ because they experience different
environments within the same family.
- That IQ may be highly heritable does not mean that it is not affected
by the environment. Individuals are not born with fixed, unchangeable levels
of intelligence (no one claims they are). IQs do gradually stabilize during
childhood, however, and generally change little thereafter.
- Although the environment is important in creating IQ differences, we
do not know yet how to manipulate it to raise low IQs permanently. Whether
recent attempts show promise is still a matter of considerable scientific
debate.
- Genetically caused differences are not necessarily irremediable (consider
diabetes, poor vision, and phenal ketonuria), nor are environmentally caused
ones necessarily remediable (consider injuries, poisons, severe neglect,
and some diseases). Both may be preventable to some extent.

Source and Stability of Between-Group Differences
- There is no persuasive evidence that the IQ BELL CURVES for different
racial-ethnic groups are converging. Surveys in some years show that gaps
in academic achievement have narrowed a bit for some races, ages, school
subjects and skill levels, but this picture seems too mixed to reflect
a general shift in IQ levels themselves.
- Racial-ethnic differences in IQ BELL CURVES are essentially the same
when youngsters leave high school as when they enter first grade. However,
because bright youngsters learn faster than slow learners, these same IQ
differences lead to growing disparities in amount learnedas youngsters
progress from grades one to 12. As large national surveyscontinue to show,
black 17-year-olds perform, on the average, more likewhite 13-year-olds
in reading, math, and science, with Hispanics inbetween.
- The reasons that blacks differ among themselves in intelligenceappear
to be basically the same as those for why whites (or Asians orHispanics)
differ among themselves. Both environment and geneticheredity are involved.
- There is no definitive answer to why IQ bell curves differ acrossracial-ethnic
groups. The reasons for these IQ differences betweengroups may be markedly
different from the reasons for why individualsdiffer among themselves within
any particular group (whites or blacks orAsians). In fact, it is wrong
to assume, as many do, that the reason whysome individuals in a population
have high IQs but others have low IQs must be the same reason why some
populations contain more such high (or low) IQ individuals than others.
Most experts believe that environment is important in pushing the bell
curves apart, but that genetics could be involved too.
- Racial-ethnic differences are somewhat smaller but still substantial
for individuals from the same socioeconomic backgrounds. To illustrate,
black students from prosperous families tend to score higher in IQ than
blacks from poor families, but they score no higher, on average, than whites
from poor families.
- Almost all Americans who identify themselves as black have white ancestors
-- the white admixture is about 20%, on average -- and many self-designated
whites, Hispanics, and others likewise have mixed ancestry. Because research
on intelligence relies on self-classification into distinct racial categories,
as does most other social-science research, its findings likewise relate
to some unclear mixture of social and biological distinctions among groups
(no one claims otherwise).

Implications for Social Policy
- The research findings neither dictate nor preclude any particular social
policy, because they can never determine our goals. They can, however,
help us estimate the likely success and side-effects of pursuing those
goals via different means.

The following professors -- all experts in intelligence and allied fields
-- have signed this statement:
- Richard D. Arvey, University of Minnesota
- Thomas J. Bouchard, Jr., University of Minnesota
- John B. Carroll, Un. of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
- Raymond B. Cattell, University of Hawaii
- David B. Cohen, University of Texas at Austin
- Rene V. Dawis, University of Minnesota
- Douglas K. Detterman, Case Western Reserve Un.
- Marvin Dunnette, University of Minnesota
- Hans Eysenck, University of London
- Jack Feldman, Georgia Institute of Technology
- Edwin A. Fleishman, George Mason University
- Grover C. Gilmore, Case Western Reserve University
- Robert A. Gordon, Johns Hopkins University
- Linda S. Gottfredson, University of Delaware
- Robert L. Greene, Case Western Reserve University
- Richard J.Haier, University of Callifornia at Irvine
- Garrett Hardin, University of California at Berkeley
- Robert Hogan, University of Tulsa
- Joseph M. Horn, University of Texas at Austin
- Lloyd G. Humphreys, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
- John E. Hunter, Michigan State University
- Seymour W. Itzkoff, Smith College
- Douglas N. Jackson, Un. of Western Ontario
- James J. Jenkins, University of South Florida
- Arthur R. Jensen, University of California at Berkeley
- Alan S. Kaufman, University of Alabama
- Nadeen L. Kaufman, California School of Professional Psychology at
San Diego
- Timothy Z. Keith, Alfred University
- Nadine Lambert, University of California at Berkeley
- John C. Loehlin, University of Texas at Austin
- David Lubinski, Iowa State University
- David T. Lykken, University of Minnesota
- Richard Lynn, University of Ulster at Coleraine
- Paul E. Meehl, University of Minnesota
- R. Travis Osborne, University of Georgia
- Robert Perloff, University of Pittsburgh
- Robert Plomin, Institute of Psychiatry, London
- Cecil R. Reynolds, Texas A & M University
- David C. Rowe, University of Arizona
- J. Philippe Rushton, Un. of Western Ontario
- Vincent Sarich, University of California at Berkeley
- Sandra Scarr, University of Virginia
- Frank L. Schmidt, University of Iowa
- Lyle F. Schoenfeldt, Texas A & M University
- James C. Sharf, George Washington University
- Herman Spitz, former director E.R. Johnstone Training and Research
Center, Bordentown, N.J.
- Julian C. Stanley, Johns Hopkins University
- Del Thiessen, University of Texas at Austin
- Lee A. Thompson, Case Western Reserve University
- Robert M. Thorndike, Western Washington Un.
- Philip Anthony Vernon, Un. of Western Ontario
- Lee Willerman, University of Texas at Austin

![[The Latest!]](../images/
latest90.gif)
![[Taboos]](../images/
taboo90.gif)
![[Stalkers]](../images/
stal90.gif)
![[Thoughts]](../images/
though90.gif)
![[Library]](../images/
librar90.gif)
![[Web Links]](../images/
links90.gif)
![[Home/Contents]](../images/
home90.gif)